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Somehow the stalwart brave mujahedin of Afghanistan have gone from lusty
freedom
fighters to Amish with AK's. The same fundamental drive that pushed the
Russians out of this impoverished land has created the Taliban.
We didn't
really care when we dumped billions worth of cheap Russian and Chinese
armament on Hekmatyar in the '80s. Even if he did call us evil and
corrupt. We didn't mind when he closed the cinemas and made the burqa
mandatory. Even when the Talibs called Hekmatyar a Western puppet and used
those same arms to take over 90 percent of the country. We forgot about
the rapings, murders and mayhem the out-of-control muj factions brought on
their own people. Suddenly peace broke out and a different breed of
journos entered. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) flew
120 journalists into the Kabul to see if the Talibs would begin executing
everyone in sight. Nothing happened.
Then, with
the unparalleled safety of a oddly peaceful Kabul, more timid journalists
entered to do human interest stories. For some reason the Talibs would
allow NGO-sponsored journos but not let independent journalists in. Every
journalist had to have an angle. Prohibitions about talking to women and a
crackdown on what the Talibs considered lax morality piqued the interest
of scribes.
The
highlight of this access to Kabul was the UN's Emma's and CNN's
Christiane's little bitch-slap tussle with the Talibs for filming "nekkid
wimmin" and entering a sterile operating room. The UN had declared
war on a country at war. The "gender junkets" began. Emma and
her private UN planes began disgorging notebook-wielding females intent on
documenting the lack of women's rights while rockets rained down.
The Taliban
(literally "religious students" or "seekers of truth")
who once appeared as God-fearin', upstandin', rag-headed Gary Coopers
suddenly appeared as cross-eyed, brutal, morose and wacky Ike Clanton
boys. These are the same Afghans who kicked out the Russians, who were
armed by us (via the Pakistan ISI) and still wonder why the United States
doesn't like them.
Gone were
the network war hogs who hiked in from Peshawar and wrote stirring tales
of muj bravery. Now sleek white UN turboprops off-loaded female
journalists in waiting chauffeur-driven black Mercedes. Over lunch and
dinner at the UN mansion (with exercise room, satellite television and
bar) they chronicled the horrors of the lack of health care, the treatment
of women and generally how life sucked and apparently just for women.
There was even a standard journo junket. The first stop was to see Mullah
Qalaamuddin, the deputy head of the Religious Police (the Department for
the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice), where every writer
was assured to get a few giggles from the latest fatwah: no paper bags, no
white socks, four fingers of beard and no picture-taking. Then off to a
barber for a little humor, a clandestine visit to a girl's school, pack a
lunch for the Friday executions and then back to Peshawar to file. The
object of their journalist lust? The dreaded burqa, a garment worn by
every women outside of cosmopolitan Kabul for centuries but suddenly held
up as being a sign of the devil in Kabul. Not many paid attention when
Hekmatyar made it mandatory long before the Talibs showed up. The writers
never really mentioned that they were in the most destroyed city on earth,
a militarily occupied zone with a war raging 15 kilometers to the north,
rockets raining into the city and young men are pressganged. Somehow in
their zeal to create women's rights in a country staggering to its knees,
they forget to mention the complete lack of jobs, housing, medical care,
health services and education for men (who must provide for their women
and children) let alone women. The articles inflamed the world and shut
down any aid to the wartorn region. How did the Taliban get lynched on
women's rights? It's akin to taking the KKK to task for not providing
minority scholarships.
The Taliban
started as collection of 40-something-year-old mullahs and eager religious
students from Kandahar. The Taliban is neither a political party, army or
puppet-of-the-month splinter group. It is the most orthodox (and some
Muslims say, most over-the-edge) Islamic movement ever to learn how to run
a country from scratch. Devoid of press agents or even graphic designers,
they have raised their white flag across Afghanistan, leaving tiny pockets
of resistance in the Hazari and occupied cities and the forbidding
mountainous north. The Northern Alliance's "minister of
defense," Ahmed Shah Massoud, still holds the forbidding Panjshir
Valley (his old stomping ground against the Russkies) and it looks like he
will be experiencing deja vu as he battles a much larger army from his
mountain strongholds. Massoud has been fighting wars in Afghanistan since
the '70s, so he is a good long shot if his Iranian and French supporters
will add a few zeroes to their checks.
Despite the
Northern Alliance's lack of alliance, money or territory, they are still
the recognized government of Afghanistan-something that will probably
change when the Talibs welcome Hooter's franchises, Marilyn Manson
concerts and martini bars. The Taliban don't have a lot of friends. Only
three countries recognize their control (Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the
UAE) and everyone else just mumbles and keeps walking. Unocal desperately
wants to build a pipeline from Turkmenistan to the south but the State
Department has been dangling it as bait for women's rights and Osama bin
Laden's head. For now the Taliban have brought peace and stability to the
areas they have conquered-something that has never happened in the last
twenty years. They also bring a draconian form of sharia or islamic law
that fills the stadium (rebuilt with UN money) in Kabul every Friday at
3:30 P.M. to cheer as thieves are amputated, killers are shot and bad
people are flogged. Hey there's nothing on the television or at the
theaters, anyway.
Modern
Afghan misery began in 1978, when Noor Taraki attempted to import
communism into Afghanistan with the aid of the Soviet Union. His
successor, Babrak Karmal, asked Moscow for troops, thus signaling the
beginning of the conflict. Marxism was met with mortars, machine guns and
the primitive flintlock rifles of the mujahedin, or holy warriors.
Eighty-five-thousand
Soviet soldiers invaded Afghanistan. Their pretext was that the puppet
ruler, Karmal, needed help. The official demand for this intervention was
sent from Kabul and signed by Karmal, who could not have been in the
Afghan capital at the time because he was riding into Kabul with a Soviet
army convoy. Meanwhile, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar spent the Russian war safely
in Peshawar, squirreling away the massive arms shipments, while Massoud
was fighting in the mountains of the Panjshir.
The
conservative Muslim mujahedin put up an unexpected and bitter resistance
to the new government. Soviet troops, armed to the teeth with Moscow's
most modern materials of doom, were picked apart on the ground by elusive
rebel mujahedin guerrillas, employing antiquated weapons that had been
state of the art when Janes first started publishing their guide to all
the world's blunderbusses. Later, the rebels, backed by the CIA and
supplied through Pakistan, began picking Soviet gunships out of the sky
with a couple of thousand U.S.-supplied Stingers and other surface-to-air
rockets. The Stingers soon shut down the Russian gunships and supply
aircraft. Convoys were easily ambushed. Russia had its very own Vietnam,
but without the cool antiwar songs and concerts back home. More
importantly, the seed of the Taliban was planted by the United States.
Say what?
you exclaim. The Taliban, an American idea? When Afghanistan was invaded
by the Soviets in 1979, President Jimmy Carter provided the mujahedin with
US$30 million in covert aid. This manifested itself in the form of the
Pakistani secret service, or ISI, supplying selected rebel commanders with
old Soviet arms procured from Egypt. The Pakistanis carefully chose
southern commanders who were Pushtun and had ethnic ties with Pakistanis
across the border. Many of these commanders, like Gulbuddin Hekmatyar,
were virulently anti-American and hard-line Islamics. They knew that the
Russians would be gone and then there was going to be a power grab. He and
others kept brand-new weapons in their original containers in large
storage yards waiting for the day. The Russians would leave.
As covert
military aid to the mujahedin increased under the Reagan administration,
so did the carnage and the number of refugees. By 1985, the Afghan rebels
were receiving US$250 million a year in covert assistance to battle the by
now 115,000 Soviet troops. This figure was double 1984's amount. The
annual amount received by the guerrillas reached a whopping US$700 million
by 1988. There were even shipping Tennessee mules to Afghanistan to carry
all the weapons in the hills. Even today Afghanistan is littered with the
abandoned one-way shipping containers used to bring all that weaponry into
the country. In all, the Soviets lost with 14,453 dead (the real number is
closer to 35,000). Probably the most expensive funerals the United States
ever created. Even after the Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan, the spook
bucks kept flowing. In 1991, anywhere from US$180 million to US$300
million was funneled into Afghanistan by the CIA via the ISI. In all, the
CIA spent about US$3.3 billion in rebel aid over the course of the war.
Traditionally each region elected a leader based on his social contacts
and ability to defend their region. Now the system was out of kilter.
Small-time commanders now controlled massive arsenals and large numbers of
paid "volunteers." These commanders began to consolidate trade,
smuggling and businesses under their control. Traditional law enforcement
or tribal control was in disarray. By 1988 there was no law in afghanistan
except the gun.
An initial
agreement to end outside aid was signed in April 1988, by Afghanistan, the
USSR, the United States and Pakistan. The accords were signed on the
condition that the USSR pull out its troops by the end of the year. The
Soviets' withdrawal occurred in February 1989. Another agreement, signed
between the Soviet Union and the United States in September 1991, also
sought to arrange the end of meddling into Afghanistan's affairs by the
two superpowers. By the middle of April 1992, mujahedin guerrillas and
other Islamic rebels moved in on Kabul and ousted President Najibullah. A
50-member ruling council comprised of guerrilla, religious and
intellectual leaders was quickly established to create an Islamic
republic. It fell apart in violent warfare and factional squabbling. After
all, this was Afghanistan, a place where even minor personal disagreements
can lead to gunfire and blood feuds. Politics and unlimited access to
weapons just added gasoline to the fire.
The
fighting had created large numbers of refugees in Quetta and Peshawar. In
mountainous Kabul it was traditional for students to be educated in warmer
Peshawar and then return to work in the summer. These Afghans were
educated in madrassahs, or religious schools. Now with millions of
refugees stuck in Pakistan where they were treated roughly, the religious
teachers, or mullahs, urged the young men, or Talibs, to return to
Afghanistan to drive out the corrupt Western leaders.
This
patchwork of Westernized and armed warlords with no wars to fight had
become despots, thieves and drug lords. They became greedy and violent,
mocking the initial purpose of jihad.
The Talibs
began during a small border incident in Spin Boldak under the leadership
of Mullah Omar and Mullah Rabbani. They came from the poor south, all had
fought the Russians and most had been severely victimized. They had known
no traditional schooling, media or education and many had fought against
the Russians to make a new Afghanistan. The Taliban was a small group from
the Maiwand district of southern Afghanistan, led by a group of 30 former
religious students who had studied together in the provincial madrassahs
from Kandahar and Helmand provinces. Their leader was one-eyed,
35-year-old Mullah Muhammad Omar. The uprising began when they attacked
the highway checkpoints manned by their followers-extortion, robbery and
rape were daily occurrences. These atrocities not only angered the common
people but they cut into the business of influential traders based in
Quetta, Pakistan, and in Kandahar. These traders financed the initial
campaigns of the Taliban to clear Kandahar of the warlords.
Starting
small with donations from Pakistani and Saudi businessmen they swept like
a dust devil from the south all the way to the foothills of the Panjshirs.
They used bribes, tanks, suicide charges and discussion to win over region
after region. Businessman and former mujahedin Usama bin Laden donated
around 2,000 Toyota Hiluxes and worked with the Taliban to create a new
form of blitzkrieg. The flat arid south was perfect for rapid movement of
self-contained lashkars of Talibs. He counseled Mullah Omar on tactics,
government and even policy. Afghanistan was destined to become an emirate
and an Islamic state with shariOah as its law.
In the
summer of 1998 they finally pushed Uzbek warlord Dostum all the back to
Ankara (for the second time), scared Hekmatyar back to Tehran and had
walled up Massoud in the Panjshir mountains. Many will say that their
rapid drive to Kabul was funded and planned by the Pakistani ISI. It is
plainly obvious that once they entered Kabul they had overextended their
support base and are now fraying at the edges as Massoud plays a seesaw
war across the Shomali plains just north of Kabul.
The
Taliban's power base still remains in the Durrani and Pushtun provinces of
southern Afghanistan and Pakistan. The Taliban has effectively created a
Pushtun power base that represents a group of 15 to 17 million people, of
which 10 million live in Afghanistan and the rest in Pakistan. The urban
and northern Hazaris (who are Shiite) and the northern Tajiks do not see
eye to eye with the Taliban. The Uzbeks are frantic and have locked down
their borders and invited in the Russians. Tajikistan has began supporting
Massoud covertly by allowing him to move supplies and people across their
border. Iran has mobilized troops but will not spark a war like the
eight-year war they had with Iraq. Turkmenistan is playing it cool. It is
still (along with Iran) a porous border for drugs, people and contraband.
Worse, the
northern Central Asian states know that they are the only barrier between
the Taliban and a quick march to Moscow. "The Russians must
pay," as one Taliban said to me. As I made fun of one Talib's
"military issue" plastic sandals, I was told, "Inshallah,
with these sandals we shall march to Moscow."
This is an
excerpt from Robert Young Pelton’s, The World’s Most
Dangerous Places (Harper Collins). To buy books of Rober Young
Pelton use this link.
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Source: Reproduced with permission
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Most Dangerous Places (Harper Collins)). The authors and publishers assume no
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activities or actions discussed in this site. This book is intended for background information only. ©2000 Robert Young
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